The balance of power in great empires always seems to shift at some point in the life of these empires.  Old leaders become corrupt or begin to ignore the needs of their citizens and the resentment grows until it rises up to overthrow the existing power structure.  Each great revolution is history shares some similar thing, but there are also many unique aspects of each revolution which has occurred.  When a nation or state emerges from revolution the system comes out changed to its very core.  The culture is altered and the economy is better or worse depending on the perspective. 

Historians and thinkers have been fascinated with the dynamics and causes of revolution for ages.  Social scientists use the study of these events to make predictions about the future of society and the possible implications for humanity.  Students of psychology find the different personalities and mindset of key revolutionary figures to be very valuable models. 

Some historians have studied revolution as a means of understanding how their country or the world reached the present state.  They pour over written accounts of the events and try to create coherent narratives about the timeline and series of events during a revolution. 
Other scholars dig deeper to get at the root causes of revolution.  They seek create new theories about why leaders and societies behave in certain ways and what motivates them to take radical action.  They use the story of a revolution’s birth and growth to illustrate the true manner in which governments and groups of people act. 

They understand that revolutions are the result of the struggle for basic resources and human comfort.  Using what has happened before to make predictions they are able to identify regions and groups which are likely to revolt in the future and they attempt to draft advice to steer the actions of governments and leaders.

The aim of this site is to ignite an interest in the study of the many major revolutions which have occurred around the world.  It is hoped that readers will be fascinated by what they learn and do their own further independent research.  The world we live in today has been shaped by hundreds of years of revolutions like these and many of our greatest advancements and problems have been the direct result of them. 

The story of revolutions throughout history is the story of society itself!  Throughout these pages you will journey around the globe to read descriptions of some of the most earth-shattering revolts and some of the most awe-inspiring and notorious leaders and historical figures.  From France to Russia to Iran to the United States of America, you hopefully come away enlightened and impassioned to learn more about these mighty events.

There were numerous contributing factors which led to the occurrence of the French Revolution.  The feudal system which was the dominant societal organizing structure of France was the source of a great deal of oppression and bitterness.  The poor handling of public funds was a great source of resentment as well.  There seemed to be a gathering storm of discontent among the people of French society which could only inevitably lead in a rebellion. 

The late Eighteenth Century saw France fall into a deep economic crisis which King Louis XVI was forced to respond to by entreating a cadre of financial gurus to help him find solutions.  The answer these fiscal wizards all agreed upon was that France was in dire need of profound transformation of it’s tax system.  The tin-eared King would not believe that taxation was the root of the problem and he dismissed each of them when they gave him their opinion.

As the crisis deepened, King Louis XVI was finally forced to admit that tax reform was necessary.  He selected Charles de Callone to become the controller general of finance in 1783.  It was Callone’s idea that France should start to tax the citizens of the noble class.  French nobility had always been free of the burden of taxation and they were of course incensed at the idea that they should be taxed now.  Callone valiantly tried to explain his case to them, but the nobles stood their ground and refused to consider the idea.

By 1789 Louis XVI was at wits end and decreed a that a convention of the Estates-General must take place.  The Estates-General was time tested body of representatives who each represented a portion of the 3 groups which composed the French population.  The king needed them to agree on a plan for taxation which he could put into place immediately.  This was truly a shot in the dark because 2 of the estates represented the nobility and the clergy and they were not about to accept a plan which would impose taxation on their constituencies.

The Estates General was a musty old organization and operated by rules born of another era.  Each state was allowed only one vote. This was patently unfair considering the Third estate represented the general common public and the number of commoners far exceeded the number of nobility or clergy persons.  The convention only resulted in in-fighting and reaching an agreement became impossible.  The meeting broke up and the Third Estate promptly declared itself to be an autonomous body to be called the National Assembly.  This bold move frightened many clergy and nobles who soon changed loyalty and joined sides with the new assembly.

The new National Assembly quickly formed its own tests of allegiances and the members of this new organization swore their loyalty at an even known as the Tennis Court Oath.  At this gathering they solemnly pledged that they would keep up the fight until a new French constitution could be approved by all.  The National Assembly was an electric force whose spirit swept across the country of France.  Paris watched as hordes of citizens marched on the huge Bastille prison in an effort to gather weaponry.  Out in the rural regions the feudal system was being shaken up by farmers and field hands who refused to be bound by their obligations to their wealthy landlords.  A wave of farmer-led attacks swept the countryside in what was called the “Great Fear” until a the “August Decrees” were released which relieved the farmers of their contracts to their feudal masters.  A little bit later the National Assembly issued a document called the “Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen”.  This missive laid out the guidelines for a judicial code and declared autonomy for the French people.

The drafting of a constitution was soon to follow and the period in which the constitution was being hammered out was one of the few calm moments and would not last long.  The National Assembly was experiencing a split between its centrist members and those who wished for a more radical agenda.  Meanwhile the working class and labor members were increasingly aware that they were being largely ignored by their representatives in the Assembly.  King Louis XVI was thwarted in an attempt to escape around this time and the issue of the monarchy bought the rift within the assembly to a head.  The centrist Girondins favored the idea of a constitutional monarchy but the more radical Jacobins were in favor of banishing the king altogether.

All this strife did not go unnoticed throughout the rest of Europe.  Many surrounding nations were plagued by the fear that the revolution would expand beyond France and inspire the citizens of other countries to rise up as well.  The Declaration of Pillnitz was an effort by France’s neighbors to insist that the National Assembly restore the rule of King Louis XVI.  The assembly took this as an affront and promptly issued a declaration of war against Austria and Prussia.

A new body known as the National Convention formed and swiftly abolished the monarchy declared that France was henceforth a Republic.  By January of 1793 the king faced charges of treason and was executed.  Meanwhile the war with Austria and Prussia was not going well for France and foreign troops were making steady incursions onto French soil.  This led the frightened French citizens to oust the anemic Girondin National Convention and allowed the Jacobins under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre take power.

With the new constitution on his side, Robespierre partnered with the Committee of Public Safety to begin to draft French citizens into the army.  He was also successful in establishing new laws aimed at bolstering the economy.  Things would have been looking up for France if not for Robespierre’s intense paranoia about counterrevolutionaries.  This fear prompted him to launch the “Reign of Terror” from 1793-1794.  It was a period in which ordered the execution of at least 15,000 persons.  This extreme behavior was too radical for the times in which France was entering.  The economy was strengthening and the foreign troops had departed.  Things should have been peaceful and Robespierre’s modus operandi was unjustified.  He was therefore soon arrested and executed himself.

The period after the rule of Robespierre was referred to as the Thermodorian Reaction.  It was a time of rebuilding the governmental system and drafting a new constitution enumerating a new way forward for the relatively conservative National Convention.  A body known as the Directory was established to direct delegation of executive powers in this new regime.  The Directory had no law making abilities, but it did manage to increase its power to a point that could match the powers of any of France’s previous tyrannical revolutionaries.

At the same time, the Committee of Public Safety was winning its war campaigns on an unprecedented level.  The army under the direction of General Napoleon Bonaparte was storming through Europe.  Only in Egypt did the army come up against defeat.  At that point the army began to retreat and Napoleon came back to Paris.  The charismatic young general was able to successfully oust the Directory in 1799 and then take the helm of power as “first consul”.  Napoleon’s step into leadership marked the end of the Revolution and the beginning of a 15 year military rule.

By the end of August 1917, the Bolsheviks party had risen to ejoy a majority in the Petrograd Soviet of Russia.  This new found strength was a welcome to relief to the defeats they had experienced throughout the summer and by September 5th they also found themselves victorious in the Moscow Soviet.  Vladimir Lenin still remained in hiding near the border with Finland, but he was growing more and more impatient for the ouster of the provisional government.

Ruling Prime Minister Kerensky saw his authority begin to flag and the government as a whole drew nearer to the creation of the Constituent Assembly.  The formation of this assembly would establish a republican rule of Russia.  With elections scheduled for November, Lenin knew that the window for seizing legitimate power was narrowing.  He realized that a revolution must happen soon if it was to succeed.

First though, Lenin would need to deal with the fierce opposition he faces in his own party.  The opposition was the result of the feelings of many that this was the wrong time for revolution and that Lenin had not fully considered how power would be wielded once it had been gained.  October 10 marked the date of a critical meeting for the future of Lenin and the Bolshevik party leaders known as the Central Committee.  Not much is known about the proceedings of this meeting, but apparently Lenin made a stirring address to the leaders in which he laid the case for acting immediately to launch a revolution. 

There were only 12 men in attendance at this conference and by the end, 10 of them were ready to approve an armed revolt to overthrow the provisional government.  The only detail yet to be decided was the exact date on which this uprising would occur.

In the following 2 weeks, Lenin and his followers continued to stay cloistered in their base of operations, the Smolny Institute, hammering out the details of their plans and gathering their forces.  A 2nd Congress of Soviets was set to be convened on October 25, and the Bolsheviks were sure the congress would back their plans.   Much of their confidence came from the fact that they had only invited likely sympathizers to attend the congress.

To hedge there bets though, they decided to launch the revolution a day before the October 25th meeting.  They would then request the support of Congress afterwards.  Lev Kamenev and Grigory Zinonev were the only 2 leaders not to have voted for the plan and they continued to vigorously argue against it.  As the time drew near though, they had a change of heart, and maybe a fear of being left behind by history, and they agreed to support the revolt.

As time went on, the Bolsheviks had managed to assemble something of an army albeit a ragtag and disorderly crew.  Although this body Petrograd Soviet soldiers were an unpredictable lot, Lenin believed that at least some of them would back him in armed battle if they saw the odds were good for the Bolsheviks.

Meanwhile among the provisional government, worry was spreading that the Bolsheviks were up to something big.  Details were sketchy, but the government was realizing it need to make plans to hold off an attack.  To this end, the provisional government ordered many of the Bolshevik’s newspapers and media to be shut down.  They also mobilized forces to guard their headquarters and other key spots around the city in the event of a revolt.  The tsar’s old Winter Palace was used for headquarters.

October 24, then came, which is known at the first day of the Russian Revolution.  Truthfully, little happened that day:  Lenin made his way across town to the Smolny Institute, disguised as a drunk with a toothache.  Later that evening, Bolshevik troops also made their way to their pre-assigned positions.  Not a shot was fired and the Junkers that were guarding the key sites either fled or were disarmed.  Even the headquarters of the general staff was taken without resistance.

On the morning of October 25, the Winter Palace was the only building that had not been taken.  At 9am Kerensky left the city for the US embassy in hopes that he would return with soldier from the front.  Meanwhile, the Bolshevik warship, the Aurora, was taken up the Neva River and was put into position near the palace.  By afternoon, the palace was surrounded and only being defended by the Junkers inside. 

The Bolsheviks spent the whole day attempting to take over the Winter palace but most of the soldiers were not willing to fire at fellow Russians.  Instead, they negotiated and convinced many of them to give up.  There are some claims that a few shots were fired, but little or no violence was used.  The people who were holding the Winter Palace were arrested a little after 2pm and Kerensky never returned.  He actually escaped abroad, living in Europe first and then as a history professor in the US.

Lenin was embarrassed by the delay to take the Winter Palace and opened his much awaited All-Russian Congress before the palace was taken.  Bolsheviks made up about half of the 650 delegates and debate lasted throughout the night, adjourning at 5am on October 26.

The Congress resumed late the next evening, several important motions were made.  Fist, Lenin’s Decree on Peace was approved which declared Russia’s wish for WWI to end but not a cease-fire.  The next motion was the Decree on Land which officially socialized all and in the county for redistribution to peasant communes.  Lastly, a new provisional government called the Soviet of the People’s Commissars was formed to replace the old one.  Lenin was the chairmen and all of the members were Bolsheviks.